A null theory of long-distance reciprocity in English A null theory of long-distance reciprocity in English

LDR can be accounted for if the reciprocal either takes scope at the matrix clause or takes the matrix subject as its antecedent. This is assumed in the analyses of LDR in Higginbotham (1981), Heim et al. (1991a), Heim et al. (1991b), Dalrymple et al. (1998). But there is a problem with these accounts. Binding of reciprocals is governed by local principles, Condition A, and reciprocals should not be able to look for antecedents outside of their clause, and quantifier scope normally cannot cross boundaries of a finite clause. To see the problem, take, as an example, Heim et al. (1991b). In their account, reciprocals are interpreted as someone among xrange different from xcontrast, where xcontrast is bound by a distributive operator D (see (2) for its definition), and xrange is bound by the plural individual to which the distributive operator applies.